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II National Meeting of the Coordination of Popular Movements and Organizations

11 and December 12. Faculty of Social Sciences University of Buenos Aires

The beginning of a shared path

A little more than a year some dozens of organizations we were in Lanús, Buenos Aires, with a shared conviction it was necessary to begin a journey of articulation, based on our basic constructions, would be orientated towards the putting in place an anti-capitalist political alternative. We knew that such task was to deal, at this juncture, a policy of "top". But we knew that this attempt would require the expansion and deepening of the debate between "lower" to settle accounts with our own mistakes and weaknesses, seeking criticize and overcome dogmatic ideas and practices, vertical and sectarian lines, rooted in the traditional left Argentina.

Today COMPA (Coordinator of Popular Organizations and Movements Argentina) , a few days of completing their first year of life , brings together local authorities, cultural, student, environmental, labor, education, groups political comrades in Jujuy, La Rioja, Tucumán, Santa Fe, Entre Ríos, Córdoba, San Luis, San Juan, Mendoza, Formosa, Chaco, Black River, Neuquén, Buenos Aires and the Federal Capital. The slow but steady growth, both in deepening the basic experience and political agreements reached, as the incorporation of new / as brothers and sisters, we are very optimistic and we mark a way forward against the endemic fragmentation suffered by the masses.

policy How we Argentina

At this time we have a number of consensus building and a shared vision on key elements of national policy. The popular uprising was not an isolated event but the highest peak of a rising popular struggles which lasted until mid-2002, which was able to turn to a government but unable to propose an alternative to the political crisis itself. This crisis was helmed by the Justice Party which led to a devaluation and led to the president Nestor Kirchner, who could temper popular mobilization, he tried to expropriate some of our flags, while policies promoted fragmentation and / or co-optation of the sectors popular. Seven years later your assumption is clear that Kirchner does not conform to their place of "fireman", but seeks to perpetuate itself in power and would not hesitate to deal with its allies just yesterday. To build their own power Kichnerismo appeals to the conflicting gestures, pushing on one side impact measures undoubtedly popular as the Media Act or the universal child allowance, while making concessions to large foreign and domestic economic groups, ensures business of the multinational mining and strengthen relations with the U.S. State Department, to name just a few examples. This has led to some bias against big business sectors and the political opposition right to demand that the Kichnerismo that after the services, to step aside to be replaced by a more predictable state guidance and populist gesture stripped of all. Another

analysis than deserves the support of labor flexibility as the main strategy of companies and governments to break the working class, weakening it and making progress on rights won through years of struggle. Complicity of most of the union bureaucracy and politics, including Kirchner and many others in the 90 were with Menem and now appear as if none of that happened. Not just a ballast 90. On the contrary, Kirchner government 7 years have done nothing to change this situation. For beyond the speeches and some policies targeted no political decision to promote another model and union labor.

Our country also boasts of historical economic growth rates in China and exponential gains, while the hunger situation in each of the neighborhoods persists and grows worse. Growth at the expense of poverty of vast sectors of our people, meager budgets for education, health, housing and other needs of the people are absolutely insufficient.

is in the context of polarization prior ruling, we face the challenge (and opportunity) to build a truly popular choice across the different variants of the system policy. The strength to build this alternative is in the works: thousands of activists across the country folk are holding the flags of radical social change, many organizations have created spaces that are laboratories of gestation of resistance and alternatives autonomous territorial organizations, businesses recovered, struggling farmers, the workers who are organized into democratic unions and fight for their demands, and the list is endless. These experiences, that Kirchner has endeavored to suppress, are co-opting or weaken the material in a still more potential than this, alternative release.

However, it is necessary that the capitalist will and conviction to be accompanied by a reflection on the specific conditions that we must develop counter-hegemonic struggle. It is clear that Kirchner has managed to build a complex political scenario, which aims to snatch symbols and flags, and we must respond intelligently to not end up going with the Rural Society and singing along with Lilith Carrio. How? No one has the formula and probably will remain a debate in the years to come, what is clear is that the situation poses dangers not only us but also the opportunity to build a new left.

do we build

On this basis, on the accumulation of experiences of movement and our people all understand that the current stage we search for ways to raise the confluence of various experience base we have been building models away from the traditional partisan left.

The COMPA expresses an intent to take on this challenge from a portion of the heterogeneous network left organizations independent or autonomous. At its heart are a rich accumulation of experiences, social creations, which are an unavoidable starting point of the struggles to come. The rejection of a finished program or ideology shielded itself is one of the common denominators of this space. However, their thinking and their social and political practice are drawn and a number of key ideas that are taken up by a number of groups with different characteristics. On this basis

try to develop different areas of intervention:

• The fight against hunger and precariousness of life.
• The defense of public education. The fight for public education, critical, and emancipatory popular.
• For a new unionism. Against street gangs and mafias union building from the ground, in every workplace.
• The defense of popular sovereignty, encouraging direct democracy and participatory as the only way to guarantee the defense of the interests and wishes of the people, fighting the privileges and impunity of the powerful.
• The struggle for women's rights and gender equality. For sex education to decide, Non-abortion contraception, legal abortion to avoid death.
• Combating looting model and pollution. On a national project with food sovereignty.
• The fight against the criminalization of poverty and social protest. For the freedom of political prisoners and activists accused based popular. Trial and punishment by Mariano Ferreyra and clarification of the repression of Community Spring, Formosa.
• The struggle of indigenous peoples to defend their territories and cultures from a multicultural and intercultural solidarity determination.
• The struggle against imperialism and all forms of oppression and fragmentation of our Latin American peoples. Promoting the unity of the peoples beyond the borders of states.

These struggles are part of a global struggle against capitalism and for a new society. In this fight is compromised COMPA. The particular situation of our continent, the epicenter of resistance to the predatory logic of capitalism and the construction of new alternatives is a central reference point.

The COMPA intended as a contribution to the construction of a tool anti-capitalist, imperialist and anti-patriarchal. We around a spectrum of thousands of colleagues who participate in union, student, territorial, cultural group, gender, organizations and socio-environmental assemblies urban and rural, peasant organizations, indigenous communities, intellectual areas, which are renewing the counter-thought and practice in our country. With the learners to discuss and try to forge unity and organization. They / as is also addressed our call.

11 and December 12, beginning at 9 am, will be held the Second National Meeting of the COMPANY in the City of Buenos Aires (Faculty of Social Sciences, UBA). A new opportunity to come together to discuss, reflect and continue adding wills on this path of unity.

In the same bet the debate to new projections by the complexity that we face the national political map. Try to nurture consensus on two points: first, from the joint discussion on the basis of areas of intervention, such as Education, Trade, and Environmental Commons, Territorial, Gender, Communication and Culture, and Rural. In a second time from a multi-sectoral debate, analyze the political situation, both nationally and Latin America.

discussions understand that both enrich our agreements, will power our practices and contribute to the strengthening of trust built between the organizations that compose the COMPA today, and also open challenge to all those who sit in the way of cementing struggles and journey together.

fight for change history. The victory is not written, nor is it inevitable, but we increasingly are working to conquer.

Faculty of Social (UBA): Marcelo T. de Alvear 2230 - Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires
To get there:
From Retiro or Constitution: take the subway line C to Diagonal Norte station. There is combined with line D (Station in July) and travels to the next Congress of Tucumán to Station Medical School. Cost of trip: $ 1.10.
For Collective : Lines 12, 39, 41, 60, 61, 95, 101, 106, 109, 111, 118, 152.
organized and convened

COMPA
(Coordinator of Popular Organizations and Movements Argentina)
REGION NOA
Jujuy Frente Popular Darío Santillán

Salta
Popular Front
Campo Quijano La Rioja La Rioja
Front People's Organization (FROP). Tucumán

TIERRHA (Work for the Integration of a Space of Resistance and Reconstruction of Habitat); Crusades: Feminist Collective organization and diversity; Frente Popular Darío Santillán, PRO-ECO environmental organization in the ASANOA, Pangea: Cooperative Self-managed Work, JAT: Youth Anarchist
Tucumán PCIA BUENOS AIRES REGION
Buenos Aires
Neighborhood Assembly of Beccar; Open Chair of American Studies, Cultural Center of Workers, Murga The Doodles of Oil, and the Collective of Popular Education in Prison "Atrapamuros" ; Cooperative Popular Educators and Researchers (CEIP) Frente Popular Darío Santillán, Juventud Rebelde, December 20 (La Mella, Wolf Loose, The Trifulca) Stokers People's Organization; Socialism Libertarian Culture House Horizon Compadres.
CENTRAL REGION
Santa Fe Frente Popular Darío Santillán
, Libertarian Socialism.
Entre Ríos Teachers' unions

AGMER Córdoba Moves
Córdoba, Frente Popular Darío Santillán, Libertarian Socialism.
REGION WHOSE
San Luis
Frente Popular Darío Santillán. San Juan

Retamo, Clay
Mendoza
Colectivo La Minga, The Mirror, The Otherness anticapitalist feminist organization, organization of Landless Rural Workers Lavalle (otherlist).
REGION NEA
Formosa
Frente Popular Darío Santillán. Chaco

Open Chair of American Studies; Front Popular Darío Santillán, The Other Voice.
PATAGONIA REGION
High Black River Valley and Neuquén Frente Popular Darío Santillán
.

coordinadoradeorganizaciones http://. blogspot.com /

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THE BOARD - NEW DRIVING CEFyL Filo

The Board of the Independent Left 25.2%

Block 23.2% FUP

18.6% Puan

6.3% To do

New Meeting 5.7%

South Project

5.3% 4.1% The Mariátegui
The Revolt 4%
MST-The current 2.9%
The Turnaround 2.9% 1.1%
LSR

departmental councils election results:

Arts Schedule 5 - " Arts Students' 451 votes 41.87%
List 4 - "The Linde 362 votes 33.61%

Anthropology
List 9 - "Snail Insurgent - La Junta in Anthropology 490 votes 36.49%
Playlist 27 -" Mana-collective forces "363 votes 27.03%

Library Science and Information Sciences
List 20 - 121 votes 79.08% Biblionormalizados

Edition
List 9 - FEI Edit / Note the foot / 9 of the 296 votes 51.75%

Education Sciences
List 68 - Unpublished 349 votes 45.74% viable
List 27 - Publishes Popular y 177 votes 23.19%

Philosophy
Schedule 7 - "The Fold" 515 votes 38.35%
List 68 - "Philosophy in Assembly" 380 votes 28.29%

Geography
List 15 - "Geoid in revolution 170 votes 68 , 27%
Schedule 7 - "Geography for Victory" 60 votes 24.09%


History List 11 - "CEUP-La Mariátegui" 455 votes 28.16%
Schedule 4 - Block "426 votes 26.36%

Lyrics
List 9 -" The board of the independent left in Literature " 722 votes 43.92%
Schedule 7 - "Macedonio Fernández" 570 votes 34.67%

Classics
List 87 - "The commons" 100% 30 votes

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Elections! -Reviewed on CEFyL-* The Board * 9

Election Center Student and departmental councils career - from 29/11 to 03/12 (more info here ):

bet change
Revision CEFyL! Lee
here our platform to center

• In Anthropology: Insurgent Caracol - The Board in Anthropology - majority on the board (9 List) (click here )
• In Lyrics: The Board in Lyrics - minority on the board (9 List) (click here )
• In History: History Board (List 9) (click here )
• In Edition: CopyLeft - The Board Edit + independent ( List 18 ) (click here )
• In Philosophy: participate and call to vote in the Assembly Philosophy (68 List) (click here )
• In Arts: participate and call vote The Linde (4 List) (click here )

Wordings For Farewell Party

Material List for discussion - November 2010

Click here for
GoogleDocs version

Editorial

begins to come to an end a year in which, no doubt, we were witnesses and participants in a major display of political participation in a broad sense, not only expressed in the increasing degree of social mobilization and the role taken by the political-social organizations, unions and other expressions of popular field, but also higher levels of participation and involvement of people in general and youth in particular. In this respect, 2010 was a year that has shown that young people are organizing increasingly higher levels of conviction, who wants to lead the transformation, which does not conform to the given thinking as it is. But above all, reminds us that any attempt to transform and improve the country, the continent and why not the world we live in, have to be given to the participation of youth and vigor of renewal.

The Board Front we are building for almost 3 years, is one of the expressions generational change and participation vocation to which we referred above. The five groups that make up the same, we are twinned, more beyond the differences and characteristics that define us as such, similar characterizations about the need to transform the political culture from the left, calling into question forms and logic of construction that we consider wrong and backward thinking when a true process transformer according to the new winds that blow across our continent. With this perspective we consider necessary to rebuild a student movement is at the height of the processes that are currently taking, and able to intervene in the situation from its own particularity, and historically it has been able to do in countries like ours.

For this reason, we give the task to discuss and disseminate materials that serve to trigger discussions within our power to understanding that is vital to the growth of participation, but also training and reflective practice among students of Philosophy and Letters. We know that the debate neither begins nor ends only with the material to publish a force or a front, but we understand it as a fundamental contribution in a quarter marked by the victory of a conflict that was led by students organized and within the framework of a national situation through more strongly than other years the political life of our faculty and the UBA in general.

National Situation

Néstor Kirchner's death and the massive popular response was generated as a result, stated, among other things, the expectations generated among large sections of the population around decision by the Government of certain measures that could be characterized as progressive, as the new media law, the nationalization of the administrators, the universal child allowance, the strengthening of Latin American unity and an end to impunity laws for genocide yesterday. Obviously, subjects were installed in the media agenda and the daily lives of people that were unthinkable prior to the rebellion of 2001 and the advent of Kirchnnerismo "restorer" of social peace and economic indices.

A painful and infuriating alarm was turned on just a week before this episode: a gang of Association of the Railway Union, led by José Pedraza, Mariano Ferreyra murdered comrade. More harmful sectors where the government has supported and supports, shooting to kill not only a protest against outsourcing and protesters, but against all the sectors of workers, students, unemployed, we have been giving battle to historical claims popular and building up their forces to redouble the bet processing in our country. This crime expresses the limits of a supposedly progressive construction but built on pillars of the most heinous of national policy. Not enough that the State "avoid" escalating repression directly promote open to social conflict, as long as, the continued harboring reactionary sectors as the trade union bureaucracy and lady love lives of many workers, or the whole cohort punteriles the suburban barons and murderers of the same methods.

On the other hand, the death of former President has raised uncertainty about the direction of the apparatus to the disappearance Pejotista who acted as coordinator and balancing of the tensions developed within it. "Agreed between the various groups around the figure of the current president and his great chance of winning in 2011, and will open a fierce battle for succession that could lead to a radicalization of the government of Cristina? We respect the genuine hope that many colleagues have in this second possibility. But while the death of Nestor Kirchner has shown that popular support, and especially the youth sector, there is, for "banking" some progress involving a deepening of a course but played with the popular interest, as other governments of the region have been doing the "liberals k", not only are a minority within the kirchnerismo, but in this terrible episode have closed ranks with the powerful and retrograde back to show that there is no such thing as "the fight from the inside" that (increasingly less) report. The "National Project" will always be intertwined with the local partnership groups and foreign monopolies, the continued looting of our natural assets, the massive insecurity of workers and the persistence of wealth distribution becoming more unequal, support the union bureaucracy and much of the worst of the "old politics." We have already passed by different historical experiences in our country to sustain the political will of the above is usually not very often Condec with that of the bottom.

That is why we think that regardless of how you solve the balances of power within the current National Government by 2011 is essential to strengthen the construction of the reference base and leftist political independent. That is, a left rooted in the basic construction, with the vocation of unity and coordination with other sectors of the broad masses. A new left that is capable of escaping the ridiculous leveling between Macri and Kirchner without compromising their independence political left not a hug with the Rural Society, Mirtha Legrand, Clarín or Lilith Carrió to show, paradoxically, how opposition and left it. We need to build anything other than a Gorilla Left , if not hesitate to confront the right question.

In this regard, we believe there is an emphasis on the false dichotomy Kirchnerism or Antikirchnerismo (as if all the bad guys were on one side and all the other good), but to identify which specific enemies and build enough power to move forward, together with those of the popular sectors, with a genuine vocation processing without loosing the political autonomy and the ability to accumulate power from the ground, but without becoming a cult completely out of specific conflicts which have marked our society, and major disputes in which also played many times, the people's interests .

But especially for us college students, the great figure of the year is the political visibility gained by the student movement and youth in general, which had the most recent expressions to the famous estudiantazo and putting the government in check Macri but that is manifested in various fields, such as union, from the emergence of new unions critical of the old bureaucracy. In this context, the task of building an independent political tool, counter-hegemonic and popular, so delegated falls on us. Are the challenges of our generation to leave the magic recipe, the programs "advanced" "avant" self-proclaimed and away from our people. Building a new political alternative, mass-minded, from bottom left: This is the great challenge that we seek help from the Board.

Estudiantazo
The Youth in absentia

In the last year the political and social reality of the country was shaken by the emergence of youth in the public arena. Several facts were charting the political course in recent times, with young people directly involved and central or having at least a prominent role in almost all of them. The central phenomenon that accounts for this eruption is the estudiantazo policy, the student revolt led by high school students that shook the government of Macri and then spread throughout different areas of education from distant corners of the country. This is a process that can be tracked since 2008, gaining a new impetus earlier this year in the area of \u200b\u200bcapital high schools. In some schools such as Mariano Acosta, Julio Cortázar or Normal one, began to organize the fight. Then came the shots of the establishments, which are spread dozens of schools that own or solidarity demands folded, forming a strong and active movement. These struggles followed the taking of Social and Filo at UBA IUNA (which continues to this day taken), EMPA, and tertiary as Joaquín V González and Mariano Acosta. Eventually spread beyond the suburbs and the capital of the province of Cordoba, where the taking of Humanities lasted forty days. The reasons the many struggles over. Edilicias sticking demands: overcrowding, falling off roofs, lack of gas, etc, which unfortunately are incorporated into the geographies of education. Claims also was present the validity of the titles and content of curricula, grants no or insufficient, and the rejection of the repression and the criminalization of protest. This picture shows how varied policies ranging from privatization, increased funding for private education and the abandonment of the public and promotes Macri, to choke the budget and generating their own resources and acceptance business resources (La Alumbrera for example) to put the public without privatizing the service of capital, as the national government and other provincial governments are constantly besieged public education. At the same time young people are evidence that we are at the forefront of the fight for their rights, their autonomy and secular, free, and quality.

This rebellion while all the macrismo hit and liked a lot the Plaza de Mayo in a historic mobilization, gave a huge boost to the student movement that proved to be up and more alive than ever, getting a good deal of the claims raised, representing the most important victory since the return of democracy. This was made possible by the extensive participation that existed from the foundation, with an important organization that facilitated the discussion and decision-making assemblies, and an articulation of the struggles that in many cases was effective at the same time that could be achieved in some support from teachers, school authorities and parents. Another key factor was the various control schemes were implemented, exhausting all means of dialogue with the authorities first, then displaying a creative and furious in a wide range of methods: shots, cuts, marches, artistic interventions in the streets. Always giving priority to collective discussion and coordination mandated from the grassroots. Finally, the dispute was also crucial in the media. The kids came with everything to stop the media campaign against the struggle, playing face to face with the ombudsmen of the media oligopolies and won the battle for public opinion, which was completed by tilting in favor of estudiantazo.

probably take much to build a massive student movement as we want and need in the struggle for the liberation of the country and the continent, but this experience we learned a lot from our struggles and especially the example set by the youngest among youth. This new generation takes to the streets to fight for education, without fear or hesitation, he grew up between the barricades, marches, and picketing cacerolazos that rocked the country during 2001. These kids show you the entire society that flame of rebellion is alive and burn again for a moment like in those days, that we should not resign or accept that another company is possible, and that the only way to change is the struggle The organization and political independence.

And Filo? Filo

estudiantazo also starred ... were 31 days of making a claim clearly: a building for everyone who does not have fee-spaces, which is connected to all floors and has nursery school and university dining , for it was essential the work done since 2008 by the budget committee that generated the necessary inputs to provide a dispute in the best conditions, a pre building project did make clear the intentions of management to prioritize areas tariffs. The 31 days of fighting were marked by mass meetings, public classes and self-managed by the students themselves, commissions such as commercialization, and self-LES-CONEAU knowledge. In short, much work base and active participation to finally get them to sign a board resolution at a mass meeting in the 218, where watched the student claims.

on the process and as part of it, from The Board characterized the struggle we face is long winded and at the stage where we needed a fast and effective blow. Management maneuvers and some tepid tactical decisions promoted by certain sectors widened the way to a meeting where they come face to face with the management (not their puppets, but with the same puppeteer). However, we make them feel the weight of a favorable balance of forces and force them to surrender. We also saw with some concern that the demand for student dye took time and risk to exclude the rest of the cloisters. We reaffirm that the University if we are going to change between all the players we're at it, apart from the rest of the cloister can be a dangerous trend.

Finally, the 31 days also brought to the fore the crisis of a student center model based on empty slogans and self-representation. Evidence of this was that driving the CEFYL was sidelined for the coordination of assemblies from the first week, as well as the false dichotomy between gender-CEFYL student center, and assembly. Without going any further, the committees were formed and continue to operate today are identified as commissions of the assembly, but not the center. When the student center is identified only by the space management (copy and bar) or when the identity of it is that of the group or organization that leads the guild functionality is forgotten. Therefore it is necessary to create an identity that allows the center to contain the militants CEFYL activism, not being part of driving, are organized in their guild. And we can do this only with the democratization Center. We must form a body of delegates that will promote discussions at all the courses and encourage greater participation space, strengthening the committees and all initiatives that can open doors to allow a greater number of students feel part of something now seems to be split from the majority.

The self-representation is not the focus of our daily work as counselors in this first year on the Board. Examples of this were the regular open meetings with counselors urge. We know that the struggle in this area will be unevenly until we democratize the organs of co-government. However, we need not be denied as a body because that is where end defining claims. As demonstrated in our last fight, with the student movement and creating a favorable correlation of forces we can achieve great things. During this year as counselors we advance several issues involving start democratizing knowledge. So the projects presented and approved as the limitation of foreign language literature, compulsory recording of all theorists, the possibility of all races make comments Teaching practices and popular in high schools or other non-formal experiences , the equivalence of language and choice of directors during my school career are steps that allow us to start building a different university, a university secular, free, scientific and serve the people.

The University Village is painted

The political situation within the UBA has undergone several changes, at least at the student-faculty in recent times. The left regained the leadership of two centers of the hands of radical pan-governing university. The triumph of Pharmacy and Medical Biochemistry and pose a clear advance on the left, a development that had already been expressed in the victory in the elections of our federation, for the first time, groups that make up The Board accessed the co-chairmanship of the FUBA, with the intention of starting to walk the long road of re-foundation of our union tools also regional level.

In line with this objective, since the new leadership of the FUBA urge various initiatives such as self-management Products Fair and the first edition of the Freedom Chair Our America. These two, quite representative of what we think should be a guild tool: we must articulate social movements beyond attending a march or contribution to a fund to fight; union tool we want really aims at organizing these sectors, we see the transformation of the university as a whole task of the masses. also think that our guild tools (either the centers or the federation) must be a serious policy regarding the production of knowledge, an issue that from The Board thought that runs parallel to the struggles of such union. Building a strong student movement that can influence the general political situation can not occur only through the uncritical luchismo exhausting and sometimes naturalize in the UBA. We must fight, but we must reflect on our struggles and, above all, we aim to give the dispute over the meaning, the role of the university: what knowledge is produced, who produces and who . counterhegemony is necessary to build in the field of knowledge production and do it collectively.

However, we must not forget that the end of last year and the beginning of 2010 we met again face the choice of our president is illegitimate, but again without a choice but to oppose. From The Board always insist on the need to build processes of struggle: the conflict is not assembly, walking, shooting and concentration. These are measures often necessary but not sufficient by themselves. is essential to build the processes of struggle, debate collectively pursue our demands to give substance and above all give some serious work ahead of construction of those claims. A process is one that emerges victorious from the grassroots and mass participation of all of us , is one that leaves aside the pettiness that sometimes naturalize to propose an open and frank discussion with the whole school community and, finally, is victorious to the extent that we draw us a clear strategy to get what we want. In this regard, include processes that occurred in natural and social. We

important to recover the experiences of these other two schools because we believe we can learn from them. Exact was told in no accreditation of undergraduate courses to CONEAU. But the main thing is the process, enriching it is to see how they came to that. Dean Aliaga you had to thumb down its own proposal at a Board session at the auditorium, not because of an abrupt change of mind on their part, but the pressure generated by a process of collective discussion between teachers and students on the implications of crediting their careers to an organization such as the pro market CONEAU. That's the kind of process of struggle that we demand from the Board, a process of struggle that does not favor the measure by the measure itself, but the work, discussion and mobilization as a corollary of a previous process.
Social
's case is typical in both building industry deals with the issue, a theme in vogue for those who study or work in the UBA and therefore involves a walk that has already been nearly 14 years. The path includes the collection of faculty, the rector and the Ministry of Education. Through several deans, rectors and pipes of the student center and the federation. And leaving us as balance is the importance of organization and mobilization of the movement Student, the still under-construction-of a new student center, a center organized and participatory, with a body of delegates and identity exceeding the organizations that lead was what allowed between alia, that the student movement of CECS is more massive than ever. And as the movement's strength is given by the overwhelming majority of our faculty have in college, these were also factors that led to victory.

In walked all this way we need to draw some conclusions and tasks for the stage that we face as a movement. We have said: the best way to fight is proposing It is in this sense that we consider important to deepen discussions on the current university model and the one before us today requires as necessary. Discussions about the Higher Education Act, the accreditation CONEAU and democratization of our co-government bodies are debates that have been and about which we as students should position ourselves. The issue of democratization, as we said earlier this year, is a central theme as the rest of our claims (the budget issue here is a clear example) have their roots in university cogobierno undemocratic turn is well regulated by the Education Act Superior force.

But democratization, in our view, exceeds the co-governance; must also point to the democratization of knowledge in pursuit of rethinking and redefining the future role as critical intellectuals want to take within our society. rethought, ultimately, as university students and re-discuss and update the political context in which we operate. The reform process of the open curriculum in many careers of our faculty acquire thus crucial.

To have an impact on these processes we express reestablish our student center. We want a CEFyL self-identity, participatory CEFyL, organized from below, from the grassroots, from the courses ... CEFyL not to separate a guild as academics, they are two sides of the same struggle: to transform our university and contributing to social change. We want a new center, a new federation, a new model of union tool and pointing really serious about building another university model with all the cloisters and the whole of the masses. A central point to the university, in the words of Che, "is painted black, mulatto being painted, that is painted of workers and peasants, the university town is painted" .

Attempted coup in Ecuador and elections in Venezuela
Building popular power for the unity of our America.

Throughout the decade is ending, the unity between the peoples of our America grew to the length and breadth of this land. The defeat of the imperial plans of the FTAA, Bush was strong and the model of "carnal relations" and the bilateral free trade was reduced to a minority of reactionary governments among which are those of Peru, Colombia, Mexico or Chile. The formation of UNASUR, ALBA or the emergence of Mercosur continuity are at the highest political expression of a composite superstructure is being built also from below. The different peoples of our continent are communicating vessels crossed by multiple, sometimes visible and sometimes not, by those who pass the same suffering and hope of freedom. So as the century began with a string of popular revolts sometimes shared to the same slogans and social subjects, similar claims that were giving rise to processes of struggle and transformation of reality that identify themselves and recognize brothers . Indigenous unemployed, landless peasants, workers, students, women, we all are learning to put ourselves in the suffering and the power struggle of Our America, in the tradition of more than 500 years of resistance and confrontation with oppression.

Right at first was put out of play by popular mobilization, but over the years, supported and funded by the United States and decided to reclaim the privileges he considers his forever. The establishment of the new Yankee bases in Colombia, the coup in Honduras and the reactivation of the U.S. Fourth Fleet, among other measures, are evidence of the intentions of the classes Key allies of imperialism.

The failed coup attempt in Ecuador, happily confronted by popular mobilization is a new expression of the criminal act of imperialism and the conservative right. The severity of this attack we added the concern that part of the left has supported: not only linked to Maoism Ecuadorian colonel Lucio Gutierrez, but also the indigenous movement Pachakutik, while sectors such as Latin American Trotskyism and Socialist Left PTS interpreted the coup attempt was not so (what would have said if some of the bullets that hit in the body and glass Correa's car killing one of his bodyguards would have killed him?) and even in some cases interpreted the situation as a just struggle of the police mutinied against government setting !!??) (¿¿¡¡ revival soy .

Regardless of the valuation we have on the figure of President Correa and his policies, particularly the recent stimulus plans of agribusiness and large-scale mining that led him to confront important social sectors such as indigenous peoples organized in Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador, we believe that the condemnation of the coup attempt should be unconditional by of popular forces and the left.

Another popular advanced processes of the continent is the Venezuelan people, led by Hugo Chávez. This time, at the institutional level, the right managed to reposition itself in legislative elections, unlike what the media published monopoly on the continent (Clarín and La Nación in our country), he gave yet another electoral victory to Chavez PSUV. That said, I must say that observers unsuspected pro-imperialist interests, such as Modesto Guerrero, Chavez interpreted difficulties to achieve an absolute majority in the legislature (that was the aim of the PSUV) as an expression the limitations of the construction Chavez. When Hugo Chávez is no direct candidate are visible careerists Village, Bolibourgeois or corruption that are punished by popular vote. Is that the Bolivarian process, one of the references required for all socialist activists of our continent, it also presents all the contradictions of popular travel. In Venezuela, in a very favorable, the bet is for the construction of popular power and socialism.

The different groups that make up the Board feel part of this kaleidoscope of struggles that roam our continent. With the nuances and differences of each that all this energy we control can be lived in our school.

9 reasons to bet change

1. Because we are a front to build more than two years together, did not join just for elections
   
2. Because we want to build another university model and believe that change starts with our own practices.
   
3. Because we see the union and academic policy as part of the same dispute: Transforming our university.
   
4. bet Because democratization of all areas, bodies of co-government, the Student Center and the production of knowledge.
   
5. Because we refound our student center: We do not want CEFyL CEFyL-Flag or a this or that group. We want a participatory CEFyL of all students, democratic and political identity and own that go beyond the organization that leads.
   
Because we
6. the dispute on the Boards and the Council on projects and initiatives. With a policy that exceeds the return.
   
7. Because we believe that change is built inside and outside the UBA, coordinating with neighborhood organizations, cultural, etc. Popular Field.
   
8. We are the Left that to fight the Government clings to Clarín, La Nazione, Lilith and the Rural Society Carrió
   
9. We are THE LEFT AND INDEPENDENT ALTERNATIVE, we fight every day collectively a more just society.